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Did they ( Slorc generals ) listen to her?

Bangkok Post
October 9 , 1994

The thorn is deep in a Rangoon general’s boots. But they are now realising they must try to take it out. Perhaps the recent face-to-face meeting with opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi indicated a start.
 
The State Law and Order Restoration Council ( Slorc ) finally met Burma’s most famous political prisoner at Tatmadaw’s Guest House No. 1. On the morning of September 20 Mrs Suu Kyi was taken from her house to see her captors.
 
Rangoon radio and television reported that talks between Suu Kyi and senior Slorc leaders, Senior General Than Shwe and Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt were “cordial” and involved a “friendly discussion.” Rangoon residents who saw them on television said “We thought we were dreaming.”
 
Soon after the meeting, Li-Gen Khin Nyunt spoke with Time senior correspondent Sandra Burton and spoke about good will.
 
“Our meeting with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was based on this myitta, or good will and feelings.” Khin Nyunt told her.
 
“We are like brothers and sisters we discussed things as though we were in a family reunion.”
 
In the past, he has referred to Mrs Suu Kyi as “the lady”, “the factor”. Or “she”. This time he did not, perhaps revealing the Khin Nyunt.
 
It was a big change from the Slorc leader who repeatedly and severely attacked Mrs Suu Kyi in the past.
 
“We don’t see any reason why we should have talks with her abouth the country’s political future,” he was previously quoted as saying.
 
But in his interview with Ms Burton: “The aim of our meeting was to achieve development and progress in the country and to reconstruct national reconciliation. It was a good meeting for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and for the State Law and Order Restoration Council and therefore it was also a good meeting for the country as a whole.”
 
The Rangoon regime has not accepted the role of Suu Kyi in the past. Deapite international pressure on the Slorc to free her, the Tatmadaw leaders repeatedly told her to leave her homeland. In july, Khin Nyunt himself demanded Suu Kyi leave to stay in exile for four or five years.
 
But why has the juntaq suddenly decided to see her? Many have suggested outside pressure on the Slorc. A Rangoon-based observer put it more bluntly: “They know they won’t do it without benefit.”

Manny now wonder whether she will soon be freed. It is a sensitive question Khin Nyunt has refused to answer.

“ I think this is not the time to comment on it,” he told Ms Burton in their interview at Defence Ministry compound.

However, the Slorc-Suu Kyi meeting offered new hope to Burmese at home and abroad. Some suggested she will be freed before 1995. A diplomat based in Rangoon said: “ I don’t think they will extend her detention for another year. ” But analysts said it is totally dependent on pressent and future meeting between Suu Kyi and Slorc leaders.

A former NLD ( National League for Democracy) member now in exile said her main objective was to be freed in Rangoon. Mrs Suu Ky’s NLD won a landslide victory in the 1990 general elections but the Slorc refused to allow it to take over.

Some say that even if she is freed, it is uncertain whether she will be allowed to become involved in politics again. More importantly, it is uncertain whether her party will ever be given power again. The answer will almost certainly be no.

Slorc’s National Convention was resumed in early September. Slorc insisted the military continue to play a “leading role” in politics. It has also introduced clauses that would bar Mrs Suu Kyi from ever becoming Burma’s leader.

Guidglines approved for the presidency stipulate that candidates must be at least 45 years of age, must be experienced in political, administrative, economic and military matters and must have resided continuously in the country for at least 20 years. The president and his or her parents and spouses must not be citizens of foreign powers. Mrs Suu Kyi doesn’t fit into this criteria.
 
Beyoud doubs, Slorc has aleady set up a plan to deter Mrs Suu Kyi’s involvement in Burmese politics. Ironically, even if she wants to be involved in Burmese politics, she has to wait another 20 years or so and she must divorce her husband, Michael Aris. She herself also needs to join the Tatmadaw in order to understand military matters. She will  not do that.
 
Some analysts and dissidents recently questioned whether she would want to be leader or again become involved with politics.
 
Mrs Suu Kyi told US Congress-man Bill Richardson during his February visit that her goal is not to hold public office. Ms Burton asked Khin Nyunt: “ The national convention drafting a new constitution has not yet discussed key topics, like political parties or individual rights. Could she play a role in thet process?”
 
Khin Nyunt answered: “ The National Convention is attended by [ delegates representing ] the various strata of society. This political process will go on with the present representatives and without change.”
 
Ms Burton then asked if Mrs Suu Kyi could have a role indirectly through members of her party who are also delegates to the National Convention.
 
“I think Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would not like to get too involve in these complicated subjects,” Khin Nyunt said.
 
It is too early to predict what Khin Nyunt actually meant but some sources close to NLD in exile suggested previously that Mrs Suu Kyi might not get involved in party politics any more. They said she wants to be a spokeswoman at a national political level. She wants to be a spokeswoman for the national reconciliation and peace in Burma, they said.
 
The remaining members of NLD were forced by Slorc to expel Mrs Suu Kyi from her own party.
 
“Slorc must accept the role of Aung San Auu Kyi. She must be allowed to participate in Burmese politics,” said a Burma watcher who recently compiled a private report. Mrs Suu Kyi, like her father, is well-respected by Burmese and other ethnic minorities.
 
“She may be very good in solving the country’s long-standing problems,” the Burma watcher said .
 
Nevertheless, some argue Suu Kyi is too straight and sincere. “ She can not be involved in dirty politics and she won’t,” said a foreign student recently. He pointed out present military leaders saying: “They have no shame. They say‘this’ today and change to ‘that’ the next day. They are ruthless- they believe themselves they have to serve the country but who wants them? They just want to control every thing.”
 
In any event, the Rangoon regime began to deal with one of its major problems. So far, 12 armed ethnic groups have returned to the Slorc’s “legal fold”. Only three are left. Rangoon wants to increase trade with neighbouring countries.
 
“ Before 1996 they want to sort out all problems as quickly as possicble,” said a former pro-democracy activist based in Rangoon. “So they decided to deal with Suu Kyi.”
 
Many Burmese inside Burma welcomed the first face-to-face meeting between Suu Kyi and Slorc leaders. “The only answer to Burma’s problems is dialogue does not involve winners and losers. It is not a question of losing face. It involves finding the best solution for the country,” Mrs Suu Kyi told Bill Richardson in February. Perhaps her captors listened to what she said.
 

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