The decision to award the Nobel Peace Prize to US President Barack Obama has caused controversy and surprise around the world.
At
home, some Republicans and conservative hardliners portrayed Obama as
the darling of “European leftist elites.” Some political pundits even
said that he should turn down the prize from what they described as an
“anti-American committee.”
“This is not Obama's fault,” said
Ari Fleischer, a former Bush spokesman, noting that the president did
not seek out the Nobel Prize.
Fleischer then argued that it is
fair game for Republicans to question an award for a president who so
far appears to be “all show and no substance.”
Obama admitted that he was also taken by surprise after learning he won the Nobel Peace Prize but said he was “deeply humbled.”
The
US president said he did not see the Nobel Prize “as recognition of my
own accomplishments,” but rather as an acknowledgment of the objectives
he and his administration have set for the US and the world.
“I
do not feel that I deserve to be in the company of so many
transformative figures that have been honored by this prize,” Obama
said.
Thorbjorn Jagland, chairman of the Nobel committee that
chose Obama for the Peace Prize, defended the decision and praised the
president’s efforts to heal the divide between the West and the Muslim
world and scale down the anti-missile shield in Europe. “All these
things contributed to—I wouldn’t say a safer world—but a world with
less tension,” he said.
Obama plans to go to Oslo to accept the award. Well, it’s a relief that at least this Nobel laureate is not under house arrest.
In
1991, when the Nobel Peace Prize committee announced the award of that
year’s Peace Prize to detained democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi people
in Rangoon listened to the news on the BBC’s Burmese service with
jubilation. They saw the award as a resounding reproof to the Burmese
regime.
Suu Kyi also learned the news from her radio at home and told visiting US congressman Bill Richardson and New York Times reporter Philip Shenon in February 1994 that she had felt humbled.
Suu
Kyi’s son Alexander Aris accepted the award in Oslo on her behalf in
December 1991, and said in an acceptance speech: “Firstly, I know that
she would begin by saying that she accepts the Nobel Prize for Peace
not in her own name but in the name of all the people of Burma.
“She
would say that this prize belongs not to her but to all those men,
women and children who, even as I speak, continue to sacrifice their
wellbeing, their freedom and their lives in pursuit of a democratic
Burma. Theirs is the prize and theirs will be the eventual victory in
Burma's long struggle for peace, freedom and democracy.”
The
prize came at a high price for the Burmese people, as a frustrated
regime that same year brutally crushed a peaceful demonstration by
Rangoon students who were celebrating the award to Suu Kyi. Many of the
arrested students were thrown into prison to serve sentences of up to
12 years.
The regime denounced the decision of the Nobel
Committee to honor Suu Kyi. The state-run media even went so far as to
suggest that the Central Intelligence Agency had played a role in the
decision. The regime’s twisted logic saw the award as Western
interference in Burmese affairs and Suu Kyi was described as “the
darling of the West.”
Francis Sejersted, who headed the Nobel
Award Committee, said Suu Kyi had been chosen for the award because she
was “one of the most extraordinary examples of civil courage in Asia in
recent decades.” Nevertheless, the award had its critics, within and
outside Burma.
Suu Kyi entered politics after returning to Burma
from London in 1988 to nurse her ailing mother Khin Kyi. She was drawn
into the tumultuous events of that year, and in 1989 the regime placed
her under house arrest.
In just a few months she had become a
figurehead. Her first public speech at Rangoon’s Shwedagon Pagoda drew
hundreds of thousands of people who know her only as the daughter of
Burma’s independence hero Aung San.
Three years after that first
venture into Burmese politics, Suu Kyi was awarded the Nobel Prize. It
is fair to ask what she had done to deserve it.
One prominent
European statesman played a key role in the Nobel Peace Prize
Committee’s decision. Former Czech President Vaclav Havel, a staunch
supporter of the Burmese democracy movement, nominated Suu Kyi for the
award.
In an interview in 2001 with The Irrawaddy’s
correspondent Min Zin, Havel described Suu Kyi as a friend and said she
deserved the prize because of her non-violent struggle for democracy.
Havel
said dialogue and national reconciliation were the best options in
breaking Burma’s political impasse. Today, his country, the Czech
Republic, continues to play a leading role in Europe in promoting
Burma’s cause.
(It’s ironic that Havel recently expressed his disappointment at
Obama’s decision to put off a meeting with Dalai Lama until after a
US-China summit.)
The critics who once questioned the Nobel Peace
Committee’s decision in 1991 to award the Peace Prize to Suu Kyi now
quietly admit that she did indeed deserve it. They recognize her
principled commitment to fight for democratic change in Burma and see
how she has inspired many at home and abroad as a symbol of democratic
struggle in the international arena.
Still, some argue that
because of the Nobel Peace Prize, Suu Kyi’s non-violent struggle places
her in a straightjacket because she has to refrain from calling for the
downfall of the current regime.
Yet it must be said that the
award of the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize to Suu Kyi gave the Burmese people
hope, boosted their morale and the struggle for democratic change.
Whatever
the doubts that Suu Kyi will live to see the changes she dreams of, she
definitely plays a key role in pushing for a peaceful transition of
power in Burma and injecting a theme of dialogue in the often violent
and vicious Burmese political culture.
In the years since 1991,
Suu Kyi has shown the world that she did indeed deserve the Nobel Peace
Prize. Now, President Obama faces a huge test of his own. He has to
convince critics that the medal is not for show but for achievement.
The
US president is in illustrious company—the Dalai Lama, Desmond Tutu and
other great names—who all share more than a place on the Nobel roll of
honor. They are all additionally bound by their regard and support for
a woman who has met the highest Nobel standards—Aung San Suu Kyi.